This article was automatically translated from HIBAPRESS, the Arabic version:
This article was automatically translated from Hibapress, the Arabic version:
Heba Press – Abdul Latif Baraka
From a very young age, the Moroccan thinker Abdullah Al -Arwi alerted the structural tension between the politician and the historian, indicating that the politician often uses a blurred part of historical memory to justify his positions or to remove the embarrassment associated with his path. This paradox, according to “Al -Arwi” between what history says, and what the politician seeks to achieve becomes more complicated when the latter enters the stage of the reform, because he constantly tries to give his experience an exceptional nature which justifies his deviation from the general rules which governed his predecessors of reformist movements.
The politician sees in his experience a special reform which is not subject to general historical logic, while the historian seeks to extrapolate the paths and to extract the laws which govern the emergence and the disintegration of reform movements, whatever their ideological differences.
The historian examines and monitors repeated common models, while the politician, in order to preserve his image, jumps over these models, denying the existence of a general law which governs the process of decomposition.
This radical contrast between the spirit of the historian and the politician’s mind is restored in each reformist experience that testifies to the decline, when the political elites are unable to follow the pace of transformations, or are involved in the justification of failure on the basis of private and context, without a serious responsibility for the intellectual or organizational structure that produced the crisis.
In contemplation of the decomposition phenomenon: from abstraction to examples
The experiences of reformist movements in the Arab context have proven that the moment of refraction begins when these movements collide with crises which require an exceptional capacity to adapt, the political creativity which transforms the shock into an opportunity, but, in most cases, the same scenario is repeated by a weak reading, an organizational division and a progressive analysis.
– The National Union of Popular Forces: from the momentum to wandering
The National Union of Popular Forces represented a typical case for the dissolution of the reformist movement. After a short government leadership led by Abdullah Ibrahim in 1959, the party was unable to produce political and theoretical and thewer after the government’s exemption, so its internal contract was excessive, and deep disputes prevailed over the appropriate political line, Mahdi bin baraka in the “revolutionary choice” to develop self -riticism, his theses opened a new chapter on the political direction towards armed work or external alliances.
Later, Abd Al -Rahim Bouabid and Prominent Intellectuals Such As Jabri Contributed to the Movement’s Intellectual Balance, and the consolidation of the option of the democratic strggle, which paved the way for the experience of political rotation, but the 2002 Crisis, when abd al The Formation of the Government Despite The Lead in the Elections, Re -Produced the Dilemma of the Decomposition.
Despite the strong speech of Brussels, the party remained unable to organize a collective response and its organizational structure was destroyed under the pressure of interests and breakthroughs.
Justice and development: speed of decomposition and fragility
The scenario was repeated more accelerated by the experience of the Party of Justice and Development, in particular after the exemption from Abdel -Ilah Benkirane in the context of what was known as “government block”, and despite the strong political references included in the positions of Benkirane, the party chose to bow to the storm, without a real intellectual review or strategy.
The partisan conference has transformed into a accounting station, instead of being the moment of renewal of the reform project, and close accounts have led to an internal division, and the party’s depletion to a daily extent without vision, under the pressure of the State on the one hand, and the party rules of the party on the other.
The 2021 legislative elections were the official declaration of party experience and the inability of his political spirit to provide practical responses to restore the scene.
– the general model in decomposition of reform movements
Far from the ideological differences, they appear in these three experiences (socialist union, justice and development, the Tunisian rebirth) shared characteristics during the decomposition:
The theoretical spirit is unable to follow the pace of transformations, because intellectual elites fail to provide an explanatory reading of crises, and to leave political leaders to manage pharmacists without a clear theoretical horizon.
Submission to the logic of the deep state or to the pressure of power makes the political measure directly to a permanent justification for the results which cannot be able to preserve its project or its position.
Internal division and organizational conflict:
Division is an important characteristic in crisis moments, where the collective response is weakened, and competition for sites is replaced by a consensus on vision,
In other cases, as in the experience of the Tunisian Renaissance movement or the Muslim Brotherhood, the theoretical spirit bypassing the call for tenders on historical leadership or by evoking the logic of oppression, without the realization of a real intellectual review or by recognizing errors.
The need for an alternative theoretical spirit
The repeated experience of decomposition in each reform movement which stands on the threshold or the contact of power reveals a structural defect in the theoretical and political consciousness of these movements. The reform cannot be an exceptional moment in history that is adapted with the logic of privacy, but rather a project subject to criticism, review and development.
What perhaps lacks these movements is not only the courage to recognize errors, but rather a “reformist spirit” which has the audacity to maintain self-accountability, and transcends the traditional framework of conflict, in favor of the reconstruction of the reform project on new intellectual and organizational foundations capable of resisting corrosion and restoring the initiative.
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