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When Hassan II said: Calling Khomeini “Rouhollah” is absurd and ridiculous

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Note: This news was translated automatically and may contain some language errors.

HIBAPRESS – Yassin Al-Dhamiri

Since the overthrow of the Shah's regime in Iran in 1979 and Khomeini's rise to power, the region entered a new phase characterized by the export of the revolution and the attempt to expand Shiite influence outside its borders.

Tehran did not just restructure its political system, but also sought to extend its ideological influence to a number of countries, including Morocco, which remained a completely different model. It is an ancient Sunni monarchy based on the Emirate of the Faithful, affiliation with the Sharif family, and a Maliki religious reference rooted in history.

At that stage, Rabat viewed with suspicion the Iranian revolution's discourse, which was transnational in nature and sought to redraw the political and religious map in the Islamic world. Morocco was no exception to this targeting, whether through political positions on the Sahara issue by openly supporting Khomeini's regime for the Polisario Front or through attempts at soft sectarian infiltration within a cohesive Sunni society.

However, the late Hassan II was not a man who stood as a spectator. He dealt with the Iranian transformations with firmness and clarity, realizing that the stability of Morocco and its religious identity were red lines that could not be compromised.

At a time when some regimes were hesitant to describe what was happening, the Moroccan monarch chose to call things by their names and confront the revolutionary discourse with a firm sovereign discourse.

In this context came his famous interview with the American magazine "Time", where he criticized the name "Rouhollah" used by Khomeini. Hassan II clearly stated in this interview that only Christ is the spirit of God, and not Muhammad or Moses, adding that Khomeini's declaration that he himself is "Rouhollah" is absurd and ridiculous.

Hassan II was sincere and frank, and his statement turned into rich material for various international media outlets at that time, and reflected a deep conviction that using religion for political purposes is unacceptable.

Some might say that "Rouhollah" was a real name for Khomeini, as he is Rouhollah Al-Mousawi, and that "Khomeini" is attributed to the town of Khomein where he was born, but the essence of Hassan II's position was not linguistic but rather principled. The issue was not about the literal meaning of the name, but about the symbolic significance that the Iranian regime gave to its leader, and the political sanctity that surrounded his person and his project.

Hassan II saw in that a kind of exaggeration that touched the essence of the creed and mixed the sacred and the human. From his position as the Commander of the Faithful, he considered that protecting religious constants was a historical responsibility, and that allowing the passage of speeches that glorify people in a way that approaches infallibility constitutes a dangerous slide in understanding religion.

Moreover, experience has proven that Morocco's fears were not an illusion, as Iran's foreign policy during the following decades was characterized by supporting extremist movements and separatist organizations outside its borders, and by attempting to expand its influence in countries with different political and sectarian systems. Morocco, as an independent Sunni monarchy in its decision-making, was not in harmony with a project based on exporting a specific sectarian model.

From here, one can understand the intensity of Hassan II's expression. He was not mocking just for the sake of mockery, but was sending a clear political message: Morocco is not an open arena for any transnational project, and will not allow its religious identity or internal stability to be affected. Those words were part of a battle for sovereignty, not just a comment on a name.

Hassan II chose to defend the model of the national state with a moderate Sunni reference in the face of a revolutionary discourse that seeks to reshape the region according to a special sectarian vision, and between firmness in position and clarity in expression, he drew a dividing line between respect for religion and its exploitation in political conflict.

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